By Bashdar Ismaeel

ARBIL - Viewed from Kurdistan, Iraq is a recurring nightmare that most want to forget.

To state that Kurdish history as part of the Iraqi experiment has been colourful is a huge understatement. For the 6 million or so Kurds residing mainly in the mountainous regions of northern Iraq, their lives have been commonly tainted with tales of uprisings, systematic repression, forced deportation and suffering.

Finally free from the totalitarian grip of Saddam Hussein's Baath regime, the Kurds for the first time in 1991, thanks largely to the establishment of a US-sponsored safe haven - enforced by daily air patrols in the three northern-most Iraqi provinces - have flourished economically, socially and politically with relative freedom and stability.

Ever-grateful for the US liberation, soldiers are hugged and given warm receptions and not targeted in this part of the country. Ghomma Mustafa, a prisoner for nearly nine years, showed typical enthusiasm for the US liberation: "Thanks to the US, now the whole of Kurdistan is free and we are grateful. Right now, without the US presence in Iraq, it would collapse."

The problem in this part of the world, a far cry from the terrorist-ridden and volatile south and central areas, is that people do not feel a part of Iraq, or even want to be associated with any of its traditional customs. In this part of the country, it is the Kurdistan flag and not the Iraqi flag that is ubiquitous. Even the crossing at the Haber border gate between Iraq and Turkey suggest that one is entering a separate country, and not Iraq.

For the Kurds, they have fought with their blood and lives to live this day, and they are determined to not settle for anything less than what they feel they deserve - now federalism, as proposed in the draft constitution submitted to parliament this week, perhaps later full autonomy, even independence

Arabs are viewed with such suspicion that any agreement on the future blueprint of Iraq needs to be cast in solid guarantees to dampen Kurdish fears. The common feeling here is why should they succumb once again to Arab-dominated rule and second-class citizenship: under Saddam Hussein, the Kurds came in for particularly brutal treatment.

According to Mossein Masjid-Abudllah, a local intelligence advisor, "The Arab exiles have gone back on their pre-liberation agreement. People talk of a future Iraq based on a voluntary union, but still they think and look at us as second class. I want Arabs and Kurds to have separate identities."

The independent-minded view of the Kurds was visible in an unofficial referendum that was held side-by-side with the Iraqi national elections in January - an overwhelming majority of the population voted yes to secession.

Boom times

The districts of Arbil and Sulaimanyia in particular have experienced an unparalleled economic boom, with skyscrapers and new projects dotting the landscape. The price of land has increased dramatically and foreign investors, scared by the terrorist and bloodshed of other parts of the country are flocking to the relative stability of the Kurdish north.

New technology, two mobile networks, Internet cafes and a host of other services are now commonplace. Even Arabs have come to appreciate and benefit from the prosperity, with daily buses taking young Arab workers keen to earn money to the major cities looking for unskilled labour. Some Arab families are even settling in the area.

Ibrahim Muhammed Tahir, a mechanic, is one of those seeking a better life in the north. "Here I feel free and at least have a job. With daily bombings and kidnappings, I was living in too much fear."

However, the rags-to-riches success story of the north is perhaps where the heart of the Iraqi problem lies. The fear among Kurds is that in the future Iraq, although free from the dictatorial grasp of Saddam, they may actually end up with less than they enjoyed before.

Didar Salah Saddiq, a computer administrator, echoed typical pessimism. "Who's to say they [Arabs] will not be worse than Saddam? I don't need a constitution or a change in my current circumstances."

On paper, Iraq is, and will remain, a united sovereign country, but in reality it has been split into two for well over 14 years. The Kurds have their own parliament and Peshermga military force, which maintains order and security, and now two new airports and even an airline company, Kurdistan Airlines.

Maintaining this situation is the minimum requirement. In addition, Kurds want the return of other Kurdish-dominant lands, especially oil-rich Kirkuk. "My red lines are simple, the return of Kirkuk and all Kurdish lands," proclaimed Hiresh Noureddin, a local worker.

This is not to say that the Kurds feel that a prosperous plural, democratic and federal Iraq is unimaginable. It is more the case that they realize that many years of healing will be required before they can trust any government and become equal partners in Iraq.

According to regional police commander Hamza Saddaq Kakallah: "A solid union based on trust will take many years. I think it would be great if Arabs could visit these lands and appreciate the scenery and culture and vice versa, without fear."

Although the new generation has never experienced Iraqi Arab rule, and more commonly adopt English as their second language, they have been strongly reminded by the older and somewhat-wiser generation, which has been mentally scarred by the destruction of homes, the loss of loved ones or the chemical gassing of their towns. Many a home that one visits carries portraits of lost loved ones on the wall to serve as a daily reminder.

The bottom line is that no matter to what extent the new constitution and the Iraqi government benefits the Kurds, the Kurdish question will not be put to rest all too easily. The Kurds are fiercely proud that their millennia-old heritage, culture and language have never diminished, despite decades of ethnic cleansing and attempts at subjugation.

"We are Kurds and have our own identity. This is not easy to give up and we cannot change to something we are not," said Najia Yassin, a college student.

Further, the Iraqi Kurdish question is just a piece in the greater Kurdish puzzle that spans the region, especially Turkey, which is dead against Iraq's Kurds gaining too much autonomy (and certainly not independence) least its own Kurdish minority get ideas. Already, there has been increased Kurdish unrest in Turkey, Syria and Iran, owing much to the prominence of the Iraqi Kurds.

Many people in Kurdish Iraq say that independence is their basic right, which they have been forcibly denied. For the people of this area, anything short of independence is a step toward compromise. Mention Iraq as Arabic and faces squint. Fly the Iraqi flag and people will view you with caution and suspicion. Speak Arabic and many a head will turn. "I don't see why I have to learn Arabic, when they don't learn Kurdish, or fly the Iraqi flag. It would be to say that Saddam is still in power," proclaimed Meriwan Ghazi, a student.

For now, in the highly charged and volatile political and security climate, Kurds and Arabs will keep their distance. One cannot foresee Iraqi troops being sent to Kurdistan, and it is even more unlikely that laws will be passed in Baghdad that are deemed against Kurdish interests.

Kurds are watching vigilantly as their politicians in Baghdad strive to deliver. Anything short of public expectations and the regional government can expect a severe backlash from the public. The huge number of colourful and passionate demonstrations in recent weeks is testimony to this threat.