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In their sights
Tuesday
Nov 8 2005
The sceptics have targeted the PM,
but overnight raids reveal the home-grown terror threat is all too real. Paul
Daley reports.
The conspiracy goes like this: John
Howard, inexplicably eager to shift the focus from what is arguably the
legislative highlight of his life’s political work, the new workplace laws,
looks for a diversion. And so, clutching at straws, he asks for the latest
intelligence on what sections of the press - thanks to all those sanctioned
leaks from ASIO - have been warning us for some time is the dire home-grown
jihadi terror threat.
Lo and behold, the response from
ASIO (which just happens to be headed by Paul O’Sullivan whose last job just
happens to have been as an adviser to the prime minister) and the Australian
Federal Police, is red hot. The intelligence, in Howard’s words, is “specific”
and indicates a “potential terrorist threat” on Australian soil.
On Melbourne Cup night, with much
of the nation sozzled or agog over an animal called Makybe Diva, he lets Kim
Beazley in on the secret. He also invites state Labor premiers - though not
their territory counterparts - into the tent.
The
next day, soon after Australia wakes with a Force 10 hangover to greet the
parliamentary introduction of the contentious workplace legislation, Howard and
Attorney-General Philip Ruddock - who continually warns us of the likelihood of
a terrorist attack here - make the foreboding announcement that we are, indeed,
under imminent threat. Beazley’s Labor, Howard announces, will support an
amendment to the Criminal Code that will make it easier to arrest those
responsible.
And
like clockwork, just six days later, police in Melbourne and Sydney raid dozens
of properties and arrest 17 terrorist suspects.
Forget
industrial relations. Forget the talk of an imminent ministerial reshuffle.
Forget the latest News poll, which shows Howard enjoys his lowest approval
rating for four years - a sign that his nine year-old government is losing
focus. And forget the mounting speculation that Howard is preparing to hand over
the reins of government to his deputy, Peter Costello, early next year. The
political landscape will be dominated by terrorism, an issue that foments public
emotion with a potency unlike any except, perhaps, an imminent pandemic or
paedophiles next-door to the pre-school. It’s a conspiracy all right. Howard
heads it, and Beazley and the state Labor leaders, as well as the state police
chiefs, are all part of it. O’Sullivan is, of course, critical. So, too, is the
nation’s plain-speaking top cop, Mick Keelty. Never mind that Keelty is said to
have little time for this government after they burned him for saying Iraq had
made Australia a bigger target. Never mind. It’s a conspiracy.
Black helicopters are likely to be
involved. Do you know the true purpose of bar-coding? It would pay to check, if
you haven’t recently, if a microchip has been implanted ...
The conspiracy is, of course,
nonsense. That it has gained even limited currency, albeit mostly on the margins
of the left, stems from the tinderbox climate of fear in the community about the
likelihood of the terror attack for which the federal government has primed us.
The atmospherics post-9/11 and
especially since the invasion of Iraq, have dramatically polarised Australia’s
political debate on terrorism. Just as it was legitimate to oppose the war, it
seems no less reasonable today to question the government’s proposed draconian
terror laws on civil liberties - or other - grounds. But the government, thanks
to its national security attack dogs in federal cabinet and growing cheer squad
of right-wing commentators, has successfully cast even the most moderate
digressers from the status quo as much more than mere dissenters. The
none-too-subliminal message is that at best they’re appeasers, at worst
subversives. You’re for us or you’re against us.
As Labor’s Senate leader Chris
Evans told the upper house last week: “It is despicable that senior members of
the government sought to characterise calls for proper scrutiny of legislation
as reflecting that members of non-government parties were soft on terrorism.”
Beazley and most of his
subordinates - “tough on terror”, tough on the causes of terror - are at pains,
meanwhile, to parade their masculinity. For weakness, as the Tampa showed, is
political death. The unedifying result is a public discourse more closely
resembling a law and order shit-fight in a Northern Territory by-election than a
sophisticated national security debate.
Two notable intelligence failures -
the first which led the government to claim asylum-seekers had thrown their
children overboard, the second which led the coalition of the willing to invade
Iraq on a false premise - give the sceptics pause. Today Howard is urging us to
“trust me” on the latest intelligence, even though he won’t say precisely who is
planning what. It’s a measure curiously at odds with that employed recently in
the US, from which Australia so often takes its security lead, where New York
mayor Michael Bloomberg warned citizens that intelligence indicated a terror
attack could occur on the subway.
It seems a pity, at least
politically, for Howard that he can’t - or won’t - tell us, especially as so
much detail about the terror threat has since been accurately reported at who
knows what cost to operational security.
“The problem remains,” says a
leading Liberal Party moderate, “that although there might be a demonstrable
need for these new terror laws, Howard et al have not demonstrated the need.”
For the truth is indeed compelling,
frightening, and mitigates strongly in favour of tough legislation such as that
proposed, to allow security services to arrest, without charge, and hold for up
to 14 days (against the current 48 hours) those planning a terrorist act. The
proviso should of course be the inclusion of sufficient legal safeguards to
ensure that those detained are being held on grounds of reasonable suspicion,
and have access to lawyers and their families.
It
begins in 1998 with the discovery of home-grown jihadis, when security officials
were embarking on the massive task of securing Sydney for the 2000 Olympics
A
series of trials relating to the first bombing of New York’s World Trade Center
in 1993, and other planned mass killings by Muslim extremists, led the FBI to
contact Australian authorities and ask: did you know the Trade Center bombers
had been in constant contact with friends and colleagues in NSW?
ASIO began watching the recipients
of these calls and their associates, one of whom was Mamdouh Habib, who was
later arrested in Pakistan on suspicion of terrorism, handed to the American
authorities, incarcerated in Guantanamo Bay and returned to Australia (where he
remains, without access to his passport) last January.
“September 11 was the big wake-up,”
a security source told The Bulletin. “There were many others like [Habib]
who’d been overseas and in contact with groups that weren’t [proscribed] then,
but are now ... the penny dropped if you like and they were watched, some
arrested and charged, some left alone and watched and watched and watched.
“Basically, you’re at a point now
where most of what they are doing we know about - [through] surveillance and
intercepts - and some have been dragged off the streets and interviewed. But for
the most part ASIO has no one inside the groups.”
A detailed surveillance operation
prompted police and ASIO officers to raid homes in Melbourne and Sydney last
June.
Security sources maintain that
while there was insufficient evidence to charge suspects with terrorism offences
at the time, the raids led security analysts to the firm view that
Australian-born radicals could be planning to bomb the Melbourne Stock Exchange.
Another major planned target was
Flinders Street Station. Other targets include the Sydney Harbour Bridge, the
Opera House and possibly the cross-Sydney tunnel.
The security source maintains that
while ASIO and the AFP have compiled a list of 200 to 300 names of “people of
interest” in Australia across most states and territories, perhaps only two or
three dozen are considered to be potentially dangerous. They include people who
have been charged with terrorist offences and bailed, some of whom have visited
al Qaeda training camps overseas and others still who are devotees of some of
Australia’s most notable radical clerics. Some of the clerics themselves are
included.
There has, however, been disquiet
inside the major security agencies in recent weeks over what some insiders fear
could be politically motivated media leaks which have distorted the extent of
Australia’s home-grown terror threat. There are strong suggestions that some of
this material has been leaked to enhance the perceived threat of homeland
terrorism to bolster community support for the new terror laws.
But perhaps such concerns are
misdirected.
There can be little doubt that
Howard and some of his senior ministers had been aware for some time - due to
the ongoing surveillance operation involving ASIO and the AFP - that arrests
were imminent. Last week some of the police chiefs had made it clear that it
would be easier to arrest and prosecute suspects if the Criminal Code was
amended to allow for arrest for “a” planned, rather than “the” planned, terror
attack.
The latest "specific"’
intelligence, which highlighted to Howard the possibility of a "potential
terrorist threat", underscored the urgency for the legislative change. Howard,
surely aware that the security operation was coming to a head, could not have
reasonably refused to make the changes. Similarly, Kim Beazley could not have
reasonably opposed the changes.
The raids across Sydney and
Melbourne on Tuesday morning which ended in the arrests, were the culmination of
a 16-month investigation by the security services and were, indeed, made
possible by the amended Criminal Code. Most of those arrested are
Australian-born and some are linked to proscribed terrorist groups. At least one
Islamic cleric is among those arrested.
After the arrests NSW Premier
Maurice Iemma said some those arrested had been stockpiling chemicals for use in
a terrorist attack.
The newly amended Criminal Code is
likely to prove critical to the prosecutions. It remains to be seen if a raft of
other anti-terrorist legislation, which the government is still negotiating with
the state premiers, the Federal Opposition and its own back bench, will receive
parliamentary passage without significant amendment.
The pending court process will
determine if Australia is safer for the arrests.
All the while it’s still worth
bearing in mind that Australia’s home-grown terrorists are small in number.
But as demonstrated by the
atrocities of 9/11, Bali, Madrid, Jakarta and London, it takes but a few people
to kill and maim a great many. |